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Ivy League, land grant university, - 58 - O tRJC 77 The Crisis of Identity or smaller niche program? White, Hispanic, African American, Asian American, Native American?

Or, to in- voke what has become yet another class marker in this context, what was to be done with a candidate whose first de- gree not only was not from a Princeton or an Oberlin, nor even a Cal-State Northridge, but from a Mohawk Valley Community College?

Hence my use of the term crisis. It also might be argued that the discipline has faced challenges to its demographic identity be- fore: when the first women, or the first public school undergradu- ates, or the first Catholics or Jews, or the first children of Italian or Polish or Hungarian immigrants, say, found places in doctoral programs, were awarded degrees, secured positions as profes- sors, came up for tenure.

I would contend, however, that the situation it faced during this Great Contraction — and indeed still faces — was unique in its severity, different not merely in degree but kind.

The enter- prise had never faced either disciplinary or demographic chal- lenges on this scale. It had never had to deal so extensively with both at the same time, nor in ways that were so often intertwined i.

And it had never been forced to meet such a set of challenges when the available resources were so grossly inadequate to the task at hand.

One of the more visible manifestations of this crisis, subtle but quite insistent, was the gradual emergence of English Studies as the disciplinary designation of choice.

IN ENGLISH STUDIES century, it had nevertheless managed to hold off all challengers, doing duty as the cover term for an impressive variety of activi- ties — a successful corporate trademark if ever there was one.

But of course the crisis qua crisis was made visible in much more standard ways, as well; as the concern of commissions, pro- fessional meetings, publications, and so on.

Probably the most notable of these responses to the situation, however — and certainly as close as there was to a disciplinewide summit during this era — was the Wye Maryland English Coalition Conference.

The title is my answer, my summing up, my picture of the profession. This book is trying to paint a picture of a - 60 - The Crisis of Identity profession that cannot define what it is.

Yes, it might be more comfortable and convenient if we knew just what English studies is, but this very absence of com- fort and convenience in the profession is probably a good thing.

As we have seen, these programs had played no small role in fomenting the crisis in the first place, slowly re populating the profession with their increasingly var- iegated graduates.

But it was one thing to alter the disciplinary and demographic mix of entry-level Ph. After all, of the more than 3, English departments in U. True, these new members of the pro- fession could exercise substantial indirect influence: they could exert pressure from below, as it were, through such means as publication; participation in professional organizations; the kinds of training they provided for their own undergraduates; and, perhaps most pointedly, the sorts of credentials they pressed for when their own departments had openings to fill.

IN ENGLISH STUDIES Still, such opportunities did arise, and the mechanisms that made them possible were basically the same as those operating elsewhere: affirmative action policies, which altered the replicatory hiring practices of even the most demographically conservative English departments, and the continued use of the field-coverage principle as a guide to hiring, which provided spaces for at least some of the emerging new specialities.

Here again, I do not want to suggest that creating or realizing such opportuni- ties was simple or painless. Given in particular the idiosyncracies of the academic tenure system, this upper echelon of College English Teaching, Inc.

It is also worth noting, however — a measure of compensa- tion, perhaps — that partly because this was an era of straitened resources, and partly because the proliferation of specializations eroded the primacy of seniority as a credential for graduate teach- ing, the opportunities that were thus created shifted the balance of power in doctoral programs more rapidly than would likely have been the case in any earlier era.

Moreover, whether a department was in a position to expand or not, faculty hired mainly for their credentials in new specializations were quite likely to leapfrog over more senior colleagues into the rotation of gradu- ate courses, examinations, and dissertation work — a reordering made all the more likely when, as in this example, it was rein- forced by the realities of the job market.

As the s drew to a close, this reinfiltration had progressed far enough that a majority of English doctoral programs were ready to acknowledge that the long reign of what I have been calling the Magisterial curriculum had come to an end: mount- - 62 - The Crisis of Identity ing a doctoral curriculum designed to make some B.

Now, by most accounts, it had crumbled altogether. The purpose of the gathering was to consider what it is that can now be said to constitute our discipline: the connections among the subjects we teach and the foci of our scholarly efforts; the nature of the profession for which we train and into which we socialize our graduate students, a profession that they, in turn, will define through their own theoretical interests, institutional assumptions, and pedagogical practices.

IN ENGLISH STUDIES In short, if these representatives agreed on anything at all, it was on their disagreement and uncertainty. The editors of the proceedings characterize the situation as follows, and their inter- esting even hilarious mixing of metaphors in the first paragraph seems particularly apt: What did become clear [at the conference] is that our subject has been destabilized and that our methodologies are being radically questioned.

Foreground and background have disap- peared. Towering figures who once marked the focal points of an inherited tradition have been swallowed up by the crowds that surround them, barely noticed before.

The coronation parade has been lost in the shifting but disciplined realignments of marching bands at half-time ceremonies.

Feminists, Marx- ists, new historians, colonial-discourse analysts, and many other schools or orientations in current literary theory call the tune.

The text is no longer bound and self-contained, a discrete object of painstaking and definitive analysis. It is transformed, rather, by the discourse in which it is situated — cultural, his- torical, deconstructive, psychoanalytic, phenomenological — its meanings determined by the context that defines its reading and writing.

Neither we nor our students can claim expertise on major authors, literary periods, genres, or traditions when all these categories are the sites of heated contestations.

And their disagreements were very much on display in the kinds of coursework, examinations, and dissertations their programs featured.

Even these two presumably stable entities were shaky at best. Beyond that, however, there is nothing even close to unanimity: 53 percent required courses in literary criticism; 45 percent in critical theory; 39 percent in historical scholarship; 38 percent in linguistics; 32 percent in rhetoric, writing, or com- position; and 22 percent in textual criticism.

The variation on the rhetoric side is less extreme, but there is no unanimity either. The most commonly required courses however ironically were in British and American literature, at 86 percent; followed by theory of composition at 81 percent; and rhetoric at 79 percent.

After that, the spread begins for real: 57 percent of the programs required linguistics, 55 percent bibliography and research meth- ods, 48 percent history of the English language which had al- most disappeared as a requirement on the literature side, where it had once been a fixture , and 14 percent social science or ex- perimental research methods.

Thus the list of courses offered as electives by the responding programs included not only all those listed as sometime requirements with all the variability possible under those rather broad headings but also courses in such areas as creative writing, technical writing, film, and folk- lore.

There appears to have been little explicit attention paid to such matters at Wayzata. Even James F. Whatever the reasons for this omission, however — and I rec- ognize that it was then, as it is now, a complex and often fraught topic — there can be no question about the significance of demo- graphics in the demise of the Magisterial model.

As we saw in earlier chapters, for the better part of one hundred years the stu- dents who had arrived to enroll in, and to an even greater extent the Ph.

Even for some years after the demographic profile of enroll- ees had begun to change, the curriculum appears to have demon- strated a considerable ability to absorb the differences thus embodied — to render them invisible, as it were.

At least until the degree had been earned, and often until tenure had been granted, the Magister could demand — and expect to get — a conformity in disciplinary and professional behavior that belied heterogeneities of other kinds.

Thus a woman or an African American or a child of work- ing-class parents or, to put it in composite form, the daughter of working-class African American parents, could, should she have made her way to graduate school in English, aspire to this image.

But it would be this image against which she would be measured, and for the most part her differences would be constructed as lack, as defects to be overlooked or handicaps to be overcome.

Ultimately, however, following the pattern I have been sketch- ing throughout this chapter, even the Magisterial reach turned out to have its limits.

Gradually, thanks to the processes of tenure and promo- tion — along with substantial measures of both courage and mu- tual forebearance, and in a perpetually complex relationship with disciplinary practice — the profession not only came to include women and nonwhites and non-UiS.

The reinfiltration process pro- moted as tight a spiraling effect in this regard as in others. IN ENGLISH STUDIES Looking to the Future: Dissolution, Corporate Compromise, Fusion In the end, probably the most appropriate way of characterizing the Wayzata conference — at least given my corporate theme — is to cast it as a meeting of that majority subset of College English Teaching, Inc.

Indeed, compared with their counterparts at the Conferences on the Ph. Moreover, this was a group that had learned some hard eco- nomic lessons from hard economic times; the decade of self-ex- amination appears to have brought about a greater sense of the vulnerability of both the entire enterprise and many of its mem- bers.

In the last two decades, our depart- ments have come increasingly to rely on faculty members who are poorly paid, ill-treated, marginal, and temporary; more than one-fourth the English faculties in four-year colleges, and as many as half the English faculties in two-year colleges, teach only part-time.

Our desire to reconceptualize who we are and what we do derives in part from a more basic desire to challenge these institutional practices and to make possible a mutual respect for all areas of our instruction and scholarship, vii Nevertheless, it is possible to discern among the varied and for the most part candidly uncertain contributions to The Future of Doctoral Studies in English three major strategic options that this gathering expected the field, its doctoral programs, and in particular its doctoral curriculum might pursue.

The first and, at least from an outside perspective, the most obvious of these op- tions was dissolution. That is, College English Teaching, Inc.

Assuming that these new units did reasonably well establishing themselves in college and university economies, they could — long term — help create new positions at both the gradu- ate and undergraduate levels.

Despite its obvious plausibility, however, this option receives little visible consideration in The Future of Doctoral Studies in English.

We can be fairly certain that it was present at the confer- ence. For one thing, such a breakup was clearly part of the moti- vation for the gathering in the first place, and it lurks just beneath the surface of many of the published papers.

The Wayzata version of her position is not included in the proceedings, but Gary Waller — letting the cat out of the bag? Still, there is little sign of such deliberations in the official record, and it is easy enough to guess why.

I have traced at some length the advantages this Magisterial corporate model tradition- ally had provided for graduate professors.

For much the same conservative reasons, the most palatable corporate option, the one most in evidence in the proceedings and, I would assume, at the conference, involved holding the conflicted enterprise together, however loosely, and then — for curricular purposes — finding some way to present and preserve all of its competing interests: a strategy that might be called cor- porate compromise.

Not surprisingly, rhetoric is the favorite among these synthesizing terms, with Jonathan Culler apparently making a particular splash during the conference with his presentation of it Lunsford, Moglen, and Slevin vii.

Any of these versions of corporate compromise offered Col- lege English Teaching, Inc. First, such a strategy would sustain at least the illusion of disciplinary unity for institutional purposes.

For much of its history, English had tended to be the largest department in the humanities, and frequently one of the largest — and in that sense most influential — in U.

IN ENGLISH STUDIES its members would be better able to maintain that size advantage rather than, as with dissolution, having to take their chances in smaller, untried, and likely more institutionally vulnerable units.

Under this arrange- ment, the apparent vice of that crisis becomes, if not precisely a virtue although even that argument could be made; see, e.

Which leads to the third and closely related advantage of this compromise strategy: that while it would operate in the absence of the Magisterial curriculum, it would nevertheless allow the graduate professors to maintain something akin to Magisterial power in the doctoral classroom.

This power would not be en- tirely undiminished, of course. To institute even the most rudi- mentary teaching-the-conflicts curriculum formally invites students to undertake an intradisciplinary scrutiny, and thereby possibly gain a disciplinary leverage, that the Magister would never have allowed.

Even so, the graduate faculty would still wield considerable control over when and where and how stu- dents might be able to exert any such leverage within a given program.

In other words, professors might teach the conflicts, or teach some other approach to metadisciplinary analysis, and they might well require students to write about them.

But these same professors would be under no particular obligation to allow stu- dents to exercise what they learned from such study during, let alone on, the course in which they were learning it.

The invita- tion would be to watch and analyze the conflicts, not participate - 72 The Crisis of Identity in them.

To do the latter, one would need to get at least as far as the qualifying examinations, and maybe through to the degree itself. In this sense, the corporate compromise strategy is very much in the Magisterial tradition: a new subspecialization — in this case, the history and politics of English Studies — simply gets added to the list of requirements students need to fulfill.

Considering the advantages offered by this corporate com- promise option — not to mention its appeal to the self-interest of graduate professors — it may be hard to credit that the Wayzata conferees seriously contemplated a third possible strategy, but the evidence suggests that they did.

It might be argued, of course, that the corporate compromise strategies represent cautiously framed versions of this approach; that they have, as an implicit ultimate goal, just this sort of trans- formation.

That may be the case, but the move from implication to application, particularly on the curricular level, seems to me to involve three fairly dramatic commitments that those writing in favor of corporate compromise do not appear to have been ready to make.

Nobody gets to go home until some resolution has been reached. At the time, the CMU program featured two strands, one in rhetoric and one in literary and cultural theory.

As chair Waller was anxious to pro- mote what he insists is a crucial interaction between these strands but one that also represents for him an interaction crucial to the discipline as a whole.

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